Influence of the Ramayana
Tradition on the Folklore of Central India
The present study is based
mainly on the available folklore material of Central India.
While studying it, the influence of the Ramayanic tradition
upon the indigenous tradition has been noted, and the parochialization
of the universal characters of the great epic tradition and
its influence on many ethnic groups have also formed part
of this microstudy.
The authors of the epics
have given due importance to each and every part of India
encompassing lands, rivers, mountains, forests, different
ethnic cultures and customs. Again, the assimilation of the
Ramayana tradition into regional cultures and subcultures
has evolved from a spiritual phenomenon identifying the incarnations
of God (avatar) with folk heroes. They are associated with
various regional traditions of India. By identifying the respective
regions and places with the avatars and their mythical and
miraculous events, the local folk groups identify themselves
as part of the larger Indian culture, thus contributing to
national and cultural unity. Many communities with their regional
traditions have been deeply attracted towards the mainstream
of the Indian ‘great’ tradition through these
epics. Thus the Ramayana forms ‘the center of the integration’
of Indian civilization and has a great influence of the ‘network
of regional cultures.
In this context, the aim
of this study is to show how the Ramayana tradition has influenced
the folk traditions of central Indian regional traditions
in general and those of western Orissa and chhattisgarh in
particular, with respect to heritage, ethnic group, caste
formation, oral traditions, folk religion and rituals and
the performing folk arts.
HERITAGE OF THE RAMAYANA
There is hardly any regional
tradition in India, which is not associated with the Ramayana.
Historically, the Ramayana is held to have spread over to
South East Asia before 400 BC In 4th century A. D. The theory
of avataravada (incarnation of God in various forms) had already
evolved (Shankalia, 1982: 21). It is true that from that time
Rama has been associated with an avatar of God.
The region of ancient south
Kosala is presently identified with central India, especially
the Raipur and Bilaspur areas of Madhya Pradesh and Kalahandi,
Bolangir, Sambalpur and Sundargarh districts of western Orissa.
The capital of South Kosala was Kusavati, named after Kusha,
the son of Rama. Kusavati has been identified with some archaeological
sites of Western Orissa and Chhattisgarh (Singh Deo, 1986:
28-32). Historians have discovered the location of Ravana's
Lanka at Sonepur in western Orissa in the context of history
realities (Shankalia, 1982: 163). Thus the history and archaeology
of South Kosala bear the heritage of the Ramayana. Moreover
the oral traditions and the folk rituals have been based on
the epic. These show the popularity of the Ramayana in central
RAMAKATHA IN LEGENDS
Some legends associated
with the characters of the Ramayana have been found in this
region. These include the following:
- The Gadhamadana mountain
(western Orissa), the Chitrakuta jungle (adjoining Bastar
and Koraput) and Malyavantagiri (Malkangiri in Orissa)
and Turturia (Chhattisgarh) and some legendary places
in central. India bears the holy footmarks of Rama, Lakshmana
- Rama entered Dandakaranya
with Lakshmana and Sita. Their Sita bathed in the Savari
River (now the Kolab River in Koraput). Rama worshipped
a Shivalinga on a mountain, which is known as Ramagiri
after him (Sahu, 1977: 333).
- In the Katpar-Purubadi
mountain range of Kalahandi district, a holy place named
Patala-Ganga is known for a legend, which says that to
quench the thirst of Sita, Lakshmana brought forth water
from patala by piercing an arrow into the earth. It is
a natural fountain. Here, the footmarks of Rama and Sita
are worshipped in a stone.
- Kusavati Nagara, which
was known as the capital of South Kosala, is identified
with the archaeological sites of Ranipur Jharial located
in the district of Bolangir (Mahapatra, 1971: 67). The
Somesvara temple, the Indralath brick temple and sixty-four
Yogini temples are in the complex of Ranipur Jharial.
Near this place a village named Kahasil is situated. Historians
are of the opinion that the name of the village might
have originated from Kusasthali or Kusavati. The temple
architecture is the work of the Somavamsi kings of South
- Turturia is a place
in the Chhatisgarh region. A legend locates Valmiki's
heritage, where Sita gave birth to her twins Lava and
Kusha, in this area (Gupta, 1977: 159).
Often the people have exalted
their regional gods by associating them with Rama, the god
incarnate. The god Rama is found even in the myth relating
to the creation of the Gond tribe of Garha-mandala. According
to it, the first human being born from Mahadeo and Parvati
was a Gond. During the Rama-Ravana war, a Gond couple was
in a jungle in the vicinity of Ravana’s Kingdom. In
their previous birth, Mahadeo had cursed them, saying that
they would remain childless unless they drank the charanodaka
(water from the feet) of Rama on his arrival at Lanka. The
Gond couple waited for Rama in the forest and when he arrived,
they worshipped him by washing his feet with water, which
they then drank. Rama blessed them and said, “You will
be known as Ravanavasmsi Gonds. You will have three sons,
Alko, Talko and Korcho”. Then Rama fought Ravana and
killed him. On returning from Lanka with Sita, Rama brought
the Gond people with him. They were known as Suryavamsi Gonds,
and they have kinship with the Ravanavamsi Gonds. (Naik: 1973:
The Bonda tribe of Malkanagiri
has the following myth, which is related to the Rama-Katha.
While Rama was wandering in the forest with Lakashmana and
Sita, the Bonda women laughed at them for two reasons: one
was that there were two males with one female and the other
that the female had clothes which were too thin to cover her
private parts. Sita’s clothes were given by Brahma.
She knew this, so she cursed the Bonda women: You Bonda women
will never use cloth and even if you do, your body will never
tolerate the heat of the cloth. Till today the Bonda woman
are half-clad. Similarly, the myth collected from the Bonda
villages by Verrier Elwin also explains why the Bonda women
do not use cloth to cover their bodies. This myth is also
associated with Rama, Lakshmana and Sita (Elwin 1950: 63-4).
A water source named Sitakund is found in Bonda wills.
In the above myths, the
tribes have tried to project their ancestors as contemporaries
of Rama. This shows the wide reach of Rama-katha among the
autochthonous tribal of the different regions of India.
The origin myths of the different
castes and tribes of central India, especially of those who
were known as the ruling dynasties, have accepted particular
portions of the Ramayana myth as their own. For instance the
story from the banishment of Sita to the acceptance of Kusha
and Lava by Rama. The structure of this myth may be divided
into the following mythemes.
1. Sita was banished
by Rama because of a public scandal.
If we generalize these mythemes,
we can sum up the following:
2. Sita was pregnant when she was banished and abandoned, isolated and
helpless, in the jungle.
3. Sage Valmiki discovered
the abandoned Sita. He reared Sita as his own daughter in
4. Lava and Kusha were born
in Valmiki’s ashram and were reared and educated by
5. After showing miraculous
and superhuman powers, Lava and Kusha were adopted by Rama.
6. Rama gave North Kosala
and South Kosala to Lava and Kusha respectively.
A fatherly saint in his
house rears an abandoned, pregnant queen of a royal dynasty,
found wandering in the jungle. The queen gives birth to twin
sons. The children get an education and become heroes by performing
miraculous deeds. Finally they regain their hereditary throne
by means of their heroic power and with help from the person
who had given them shelter.
Some castes and tribes of
central India have adapted this particular structure to their
own origin myths. Here are some examples.
1. Bhumij Kingdom of
A prince of Rajputana was
going on a pilgrimage to Puri with his pregnant wife, who
delivered twins near Barbhum. They were left there without
the knowledge of the king. A pig reared the twins. A Bhumij
of the Gajalgu clan rescued the twins from the pig and named
them Svetavaraha and Nathavaraha. Raja Vikramajit of Patkum,
convinced of the Kshatriya parentage of the twins, gave them
his kingdom (Sinha 1962: 1-34).
2. The Naga king of Chhotanagpur:
A serpent god Pundarika Naga,
taking the form of a Brahman, united with a Brahman girl,
who delivered a child near Suetambe on the way to Puri. The
child reared by Madramunda was known as Phanik Mukut Ray.
He subsequently became the Raja of that kingdom (adopted as
Nagavamsi Chhatri) (Sinha: 1–34).
3. The Chauhans of Central
Ashavati, the pregnant queen
of Hamir Deo, the Chauhan ruler of Manikgarh, was found wandering
helplessly in Ramud forest. A Binjhal tribal chief reared
her as his own daughter. She had a son and named him Ramaideo.
A Brahman, Chakradhar Panigrahi, of the kingdom of Patna,
taught him where eight tribal chiefs had established an oligarchic
rule. Ramaideo killed them and ascended the throne of Patna.
Then he regained his parental kingdom, Manikagarh. (Ramsey,
4. The Raj Gond Myth:
A Bhunjia tribal chief in
a battle killed Singhalsai, the Rajgond king of Bindra—Nawagarh.
A Brahman of Patna gave his pregnant queen shelter, while
she was wandering helplessly in the jungle. She gave birth
to a son, whom they named Kachra Dharua. He grew up to be
a hero, killed the Bhunjia chief and regained his parental
kingdom (Gupta 1977: 159).
The Bhunjia tribal chief
of Kholagarh was killed by a Gond named Kumdaphulia Raja.
A potter gave the chief's pregnant, helpless wife shelter.
She gave birth to a child whom they named Tulsivir. He regained
Kholagarh by killing Kumdaphulia Gond. (The origin myth of
the Bhunjia tribe of Khalna in the district of Kalahandi is
collected by the author, the substance of which is similar
to the above origin myth. The informant is Diga Chinda, a
village headman of 68 years of age, who belongs to the Bhunjia
We come across similar elements
in the origin myths of the royal chieftains of Kawardha, Raigarh,
Sakti, Korea and Jashpur (Sinha, 1962).
The above origin myths of
different castes and tribes probably depict the same paradigm
with a similar objective, i.e. to show their origins in the
solar dynasty of Indian mythology. The Ramayana is a story
of the kings of the solar dynasty. So they reinforce the stories
about the origins of their ruling dynasties by adapting relevant
parts of the Lava-Kusha story. Both Sinha and Srinivas, after
studying the caste system of Indian society, have opined that
with the help of Brahmans, many castes and tribes have gained
higher social, political and caste status through the process
Ramkatha in oral Narratives:
In the folk oral epics of
Central India, especially in Chhattisgarh and western Orissa,
we may find some elements of Ramayana influence. Two folk
epics are analyzed here in the context of their ethnic cultures
and traditions, to show the influence on them of the Ramayana.
The first folk epic has been collected from the Gaur (milkman)
caste of Kalahandi. It is known as bansgeet. Bans (bamboo)
are a three-feet-long musical instrument with five holes in
it, which is played by a flutist at the time of singing the
epic. The name of the song, derived from the musical instrument,
is also bansgeet. The singing continues for nights together.
This epic song represents the ethnic culture and tradition
of the Gaur caste of western Orissa. In Chhatisgarh also the
popularity of bansgeet is predominant, with similar forms
and contents, though the language is different from that of
western Orissa. The Gaur bard Bahjan Nial of Kapsi village
in Kalahandi district is the informant. The name of the epic
is Kotrabaina-Ramela, the names of the hero and heroine.
The story form of the folk
epic is as follows:
Kotrbaina was a village
farmer. His job was to tend sheep and cows and to sell milk
and curd. His wife Ramela was extremely beautiful. She had
a six-month-old child. The king of the land had an eye for
beautiful women. Kotrabaina prevented his wife from going
to Bendul City to sell milk or curds, as he was constantly
afraid that if the king came to know of beautiful Ramela he
might abduct her. One day, when Kotrabaina was away visiting
his sister, Ramela could not reset her desire to visit Bendul
City. She went there with her milk and curd, leaving her child
with her 'nanad' (husband’s sister). The king’s
soldiers saw her and subsequently the king forcibly took her
to his palace.
While Kotrabaina was asleep
in his sister’s house, his clan deity showed him the
abduction of Ramela in a dream. Hurriedly he returned home
to find that the dream was true. He gathered his twelve lakh
bulls and twelve lakh sheep, along with a magical bull named
Kurmel Sandh and sheep named Ultia Gadra, and attacked the
city in order to free Ramela from the clutches of the king.
The cattle and sheep destroyed the whole city. Kotrabaina
killed the king and freed Ramela. But Gaur society was not
ready to accept Ramela without testing her chastity, as the
evil king had abducted her. To prove her chastity, she arranged
an ordeal by fire and passed it. But the society wanted to
test her again, and put forward the condition that if her
six-month-old child crawled from his bed to his mother’s
breast to suck milk, she would be treated as chaste and accepted
by them without hesitation. Ramela was successful in this
test as well and she was accepted by Gaur society.
It is obvious that the portion
of the Rama-katha from the abduction of Sita to her fire ordeal
has been adopted in the folk epic bansgeet. Rama, Sita and
Ravana are respectively parochialized as Kotrabaina, Ramela
and the king of Bendul. Lakshmana’s warning to Sita
not to cross the three lines resembles Kotrabaina’s
warning to his wife Ramela not to visit Bendul. Ravana abducted
Sita during Lakshmana’s absence. Likewise the absence
of Kotrabaina gave Ramela the opportunity to visit Bendul
City, where she was captured by the lustful king. Rama destroyed
Lanka with a large nonhuman army of monkeys and bears. Likewise,
Kotrabaina took the help of bulls and sheep to destroy Bendul
City and rescue Ramela. The Kurmel Sandh (bull) and Ultia-gadra
(sheep) played roles similar to those of Hanumana and Jambuvana.
Sita had to face two tests—the fire ordeal and patalagamana—to
prove her purity of character. Similarly, Ramela also faces
The second folk epic, Lakshmana-jati,
is popular among the Baiga tribe of Central India. The Baigas
are a subtribe of Gonds who originally belonged to the Dravidian
group. This folk epic is the local form of the Rama-katha.
But a unique feature of this folk epic role reversal of Lakshmana
and Sita. In the Ramayana, the two fire ordeals were meant
to test Sita’s chastity. But in the Baiga folk epic,
it is Lakshmana who has to face two fire tests in order to
prove him to be chaste or jati. The Baiga bard sings the epic
of Lakshmana-jati with a kingri (fiddle) for more than five
to six hours at night.
The story of this folk epic
is as follows:
In a Baiga village of Jajatpur,
Rama, Lakshmana and Sita lived in a hut. They led a Baiga
life of cultivation and gathering of food. Lakshmana was a
brahmachari living a life of penance. So the people called
him Lakshmana-jati. He played the kingri so beautifully that
Indrakamini of Indrasabha was attracted by his music. She
came down to martyapura and after crossing many hurdles finally
arrived in the bedroom of Lakshmana. Indrakamini fell in love
with him even though he was fast asleep. She tried to arouse
his passion. But all her attempts to wake him were in vain.
In anger she broke her bangles into pieces and scattered them
on his bed. She took off her earrings and left them on his
bed with the intention of creating suspicion among the relationship
between Lakshmana and Sita. Then she went away. Early in the
morning, when Sita came to Lakshmana’s hut to sweep
his bedroom, she found some broken bangles on his bed. She
immediately reported this to Rama. Rama came and saw not only
the broken bangles but also the earrings on his brother’s
bed. He woke up Lakshmana and rebuked him for being impure
of character. Lakshmana, ignorant of everything, denied it
but failed to convince them.
Rama devised a trick to
find out owner of the ornaments. He ordered the makaddam (village
headman) to call all the women of the village and he measured
the broken bangles and earrings with theirs in order to find
out who the woman was who had slept with Lakshmana. But the
bangles and earrings did not match any of those belonging
to the village women. Rama, at last, asked the makaddam if
any woman had remained unexamined, to which the latter replied
only Sitamai is left to be examined. Hearing this, Rama tested
Sita. The bangles and earrings fitted her hands and ears.
Rama was convinced that she was having an illicit relationship
with Lakshmana. He rebuked his younger brother, who protested
and offered to prove his innocence by going through a fire
test. Rama accepted this challenge and engaged twelve kamars
(blacksmiths) to make a circle of fire, which they did. That
very day a Brahman woman of the village had given birth to
a child. Taking that child on his lap, Lakshmana entered the
fire circle, and to Rama’s surprise, came out unscathed.
Next Rama made another fire circle with forest wood. In the
second test also, Lakshmana came out unharmed. Rama was sure
of his chastity, but Lakshmana, out of grief, requested Prithvimata
(Mother Earth) to give him shelter. Prithvimata unfurled her
heart and Lakshmana entered it. (Elwin, 1939: 22-7).
The above tribal version
related to Rama-katha is nothing but the parochialized form
of the events of the Ramayana. In this folk epic, however,
Lakshmana is more important than Rama or Sita. Lakshmana,
in fact, plays the role of Sita. The main motif of the epic
is to show the moral character of Lakshmana as jati or saint.
The Indrakamini character follows the prototype of Surpanakha.
The classical characters of Rama, Sita and Lakshmana have
been changed around by Baiga oral tradition in order to solve
a social problem. In Baiga society, the brother-in-law’s
authority over his elder sister-in-law or bhabi is next only
to that of the husband. In the tribal society of central India
it is not unusual to find illicit relationships between a
devar and bhabi. This might conceivably create a psychological
problem for the elder brother of the family. This phenomenon
is found not only among the Baigas but also among the Gond,
Kandh, Paharia, Muria, Paraja, Bhatara communities and in
some other tribes and castes of central India. As regards
the relationship of devar and bhabi of middle India, Verrier
Elwin says: “To the aboriginals of middle India Lakshmana
is the classic type of the husband’s younger brother
who, in most communities, is licensed to enjoy and intrigue
with the elder’s wife.” In all these communities
there exists the social custom of levirate marriage alongwith
the prevalence of extramarital relationships between devar
This is expressed even in
the folksongs of this locality:
O Dalkhai (leaf eater), I entered the dark room to
dry the paddy, not knowing that brother-in-law was resting there.
He embraced me and my nose-pin fell down. Picking up the nose-pin,
he kissed me on my check.
bhauja rasia bhatra pila
maiji pasori dela
O companion, a young bhatara
lad brought a new wife, but because of his liaison with his
elder sister-in-law, he forgot his new wife.
Dalkhaire, andhara gharake mu dhana ghati gali,
diara suichhe bali janina
dharidela dena ki re hitigala
se gunake dharikari diara,
gale dela chuma.
In tribal society, a woman
favours the brother-in-law next only to her husband. Here the
relationship between devar and bhabi is not that of mother and
son, as in the Indian classic tradition, where the elder sister-in-law
is more like a mother to the younger brother-in-law as is evident
from the characters of Lakshmana and Sita of the Ramayana. (Though
this social custom was perhaps prevalent in the Ramayana days.
Shankalia observes “the curious social custom of the right
of a younger brother to the elder brother’s wife... Sita
taunted and scolded Lakshmana when the latter was unwilling
to leave her alone by saying that he would not be able to marry
her (after Rama’s death). Probably this was the normal
practice, that if the elder brother died, the younger could
acquire his wife in marriage”. (Shankalia, 1982 : 64).
The Baiga tribe might have
taken chaste example of Lakshmana and Sita from the Ramayana
and adapted it to their own culture to solve a social problem.
This is the process of sankritization, through which a society
tries to become more ‘civilized’, giving up its
‘uncivilized’ behaviour and customs in the process.
The picturization of Lakshmana as jati serves to illustrate
the devar character as a chaste one, an example from which
the regional society and culture could draw inspiration.
Besides the folk epics,
there is plenty of material bearing allusion to the Rama-katha
in the folksongs, proverbs and riddles too. For example, when
an aeroplane flies past, the village folk associate it with
the pushpaka vimana of Ravana and sing:
sajani, upare jahaja
O friend, an aeroplane just
flew by. Ravana has stolen Sita away to Lankagarh.
sitake Ravana churai nela
lankagade puni dela.
In the halia (ploughman) songs
of western Orissa, the three brothers Rama, Lakshmana and Bharata,
alongwith Sita, are the representatives of a farmer’s
family of peasant stock. Here Rama ploughs the field, Lakshmana
levels it with a log, Bharata supplies seedlings and Sita plants
them in the field. The original song is as follows:
je duigoti bhai
Rama and Lakshmana are two brothers. One ploughs the field and the other
levels it. Oh, brother Bharata, supply the seedlings and Sita
will plant them.
ke phande nangala ke phande
palha paraside bhaire Bharata,
rupibe Sitamai ho.
There is a proverb, which
says that those who can endure can wander in the forest and
those who cannot ruin themselves (Sahelar Je banbas, and nei
sahelar je udurnas). Another proverb which says a life is
lost for either land or a woman alludes to the story of the
Mahabhatara (for land) and of the Ramayana (for a woman).
There is puranic knowledge hidden in some riddles.
The following one, roughly translated, would be: Two pillars,
sixteen ribs, thirty-two gates on it. Rama asked Sita, ‘What
fruit does is eat ?’ The answer is—a spinning
The other goes like this
: One is sitting on the other, one is coming, counting rosary
beads. These three have gathered. These three have seventeen
heads. Who are they? The answer to this one is Ravana, Karttikeya
and Mayura (peacock).
The third riddle says: An
unknown must know it. A couple with twenty-two ears. Who are
they? Ravana and Mandodari are the answer to this one.
Besides the influence of
the Ramayana on folk oral tradition, its direct impact on
folk rituals cannot be overlooked.
Two important rituals influenced
by the Ramayana performed in this locality are Bhima worship
and Bhatrujibanti Osha.
Bhima Worship :
The worship of Bhima found
in the cult rites and rituals and in the mythology of central
Indian culture deserves a close micro-study. Bhima is a popular
rain god worshipped to get plenty of rain and a good harvest.
He is worshipped in the form of a phallus stone symbol along
with the tutelary deity in each village (worship-hut). In
order to tackle the drought situation, the rain god Bhima
is invited through the shamanistic process and worshipped
for seven days in the villages in a systematic manner. If
the crop situation is bad due to lack of rain, the people
believe that only Bhima can bring water from lord Indra. In
the folk belief, Bhima is the nephew of Indra, the supreme
rain god. As the social status of a nephew commands respect
from the uncle, the people believe that Bhima can get water
from his uncle Indra without any problem. So in each and every
village Bhima is worshipped along with the goddess Mother
Earth. To appease Bhima, they invite Kandhen who possesses
a young girl of the village and the two are united ritually.
It is a strong belief that by uniting Bhima-Kandhen the village
will get rains. It may be observed that in the Brahman-dominated
villages, people perform Rishyashringa Yajna with pomp and
ceremony to get water during a drought. The trend of Rishyashringa
Varana (invitation of sage Rishyashringa) is nothing but an
imitation of the mythic tradition of the Ramayana. In order
to get rid of a severe drought in his country, Dasharatha,
the king of Ayodhya, had invited Rishyashringa to his kingdom
by Jarata (the union of Prakiti and Purusha in the form of
Rishyashringa Jarata, symbolizing creation by union). The
Bhima-Kandhen is the parochialized
form of this Ramayanic tradition.
Western Orissa and Chhattisgarh are drought-prone areas. The non-Brahman
people of this locality try to appease the gods by worshipping
them through the Vedic process as the Brahmans do. But as
it is not easy for them to get access to the Sanskritic ritual
process, they adapt the Rishyashringa jarata episode in the
form of the Bhima-Kandhen marriage ritual. To solve the natural
problem of drought, the folk people of this locality have
imitated that part of the Ramayana where bringing about rain
through a supernatural process ends a drought.
Bhatrujibanti Osha :
The other ritual celebrated
in western Orissa and Chhatisgarh is the Bhatrujibanti Osha
or Bhaijiuntia Osha, performed especially by women. There
is a belief that king Dasharatha of Ayodhya had married Kaushalya,
the princess of South Kosala. As Rama was thus their ‘brother’,
the sisters of this region observed an upavasa or fast before
goddess Durga, wishing him a long life. As Kosala is identified
with this region, to keep this heritage alive, the women of
this region observe the Bhatrujibanti Osha before goddess
Durga on the eighth day of the bright moon of Ashwina. There
may be no historic accuracy in this supposed link with Rama,
but their faith in their religious rituals cannot be ignored.
Claus says : ‘The
Mahabharata and Ramayana are continually localized in a welter
of folk performance forms all over India’ (Claus, 1981
: 17). It is true that by reading or listening to the puranas,
the people quench their religious thirst, but it does not
satisfy the masses, as only a particular section of the society
listens to it. But on the folk stage, the whole society, irrespective
of age and sex, gets the opportunity to witness the Ramalila,
satisfies their religious feelings and gives them immense
pleasure. Their moral values are heightened by its various
ideal characters and events.
- Claus, P. J., J. Handoo,
D. Pattnayak (ed). 1981, Indian Folklore II. CIIL, Mysore.
- Elwin, Verrier. 1935.
Songs of the Forest, London. 1950. Bondo Highlander, London.
- Gupta, Pyarelal. 1977.
Prachin Chhatishgarh (Hindi). Raipur.
- Mahapatra K. N. 1971.
‘Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li of Huien Tsang’, in N. K.
Sahu (ed), New Aspects of History of Orissa. Sambalpur University.
- Naik T. B. , 1973 The
Tribes of Central India, In The Tribal People of India.
Ministry of I & B, (Publication Dvn.) New Delhi.
- Ramsey, Cobden. 1910.
Bengal Gazetteers, Feudatory States of Orissa, Patna State.
- Sahu N. K. 1977. Odiya
Jatira Itihasa (Oriya). Bhubaneswar.
- Singh Deo, J. P. 1986.
Cultural Profile of South Kosala. Gyan Publication,
- Sinha, S. 1962. State
Formation and Rajput Myth in Central India. Man in India,
Vol. 13 no.-1.
- Shankalia, H. D. 1982.
The Ramayan in Historical Perspective. Macmillan India Ltd,
- Srinivas, M. N. 1962.
Caste system in India and Other Essays. Orient Longman,
Mahendra Kumar Mishra
IV-B, 45/2, Unit - III,
Bhubaneswar - 751001
Phone # : 091 - 0674 - 405483
Email : firstname.lastname@example.org